VOLVER A LEER: “Itinerarios de la historia del tiempo presente. Del IHTP de la post-guerra a la “globalización de la memoria”

"Itinerarios de la historia del tiempo presente. Del IHTP de la post-guerra a la “globalización de la memoria”
Por Frédérique Langue, Instituto de Historia del Tiempo Presente (IHTP-CNRS)
Publicado en la revista Historiografías, revista de historia y de teoría, núm. 16, 2018

Resumen: Esta síntesis retoma las principales etapas de la creación del Instituto de Historia del Tiempo Presente en Francia haciendo hincapié en la legitimación de esta novedosa corriente historiográfica. Asimismo considera la inserción de la misma en las problemáticas memoriales de hoy, especialmente ante el fenómeno de “globalización de la memoria”.


La nueva sede del IHTP en el Campus Condorcet
©FLG

De la historia del tiempo presente, campo de investigación asentado ahora en una corriente historiográfica reconocida, hay que recordar en primer término que se derivó no solo de una reflexión historiográfica y luego epistemológica sino también de una verdadera batalla que se libró con especial énfasis en los años ochenta, a raíz de la creación del Instituto de historia del tiempo presente (IHTP) y de una determinada coyuntura historiográfica. Alcanzó legitimidad en el campo de la historia y de las Ciencias humanas y sociales y se desarrolló incluso fuera de sus fronteras iniciales, relacionada con otra aprehensión semántica de lo contemporáneo y de la “contemporaneidad”. Al enfrentarse con un pasado inconcluso arraigado en gran parte en las memorias colectivas derivadas de la post-guerra, así como con las representaciones del pasado y los usos políticos del mismo, planteó de entrada la cuestión de la relación del historiador a su objeto de investigación, dicho de otra forma el estatuto del científico social, e incluso la responsabilidad que le corresponde con motivo de debates que se originan en el espacio público.2 

Mayores coincidencias y referencias comunes podríamos encontrar sin embargo –aunque no con absoluta certeza– entre la historia del presente, la historia viva, la historia reciente o incluso con la historia actual, como se les quiera llamar en el mundo hispánico. Ahora bien, tampoco habría que pasar por alto una característica que, junto a la imprescindible distancia crítica respecto al objeto de estudio, se ha venido afianzando a lo largo de las últimas décadas, tanto en Francia desde los inicios del género como en el ámbito hispánico, especialmente en América Latina (…)

Para seguir leyendo: https://papiro.unizar.es/ojs/index.php/historiografias/article/view/3338

National Security Archive – Che Guevara and the CIA in the Mountains of Bolivia

Che Guevara after his execution on October 9, 1967, surrounded by Bolivian soldiers. (Source: unknown)
Argentine-born Revolutionary Executed 53 Years Ago

Declassified Records Describe Intense U.S. Tracking of Guevara’s Movements, Initial Doubts about His Death, and Hopes that His Violent Demise Would Discourage Revolutionaries in Latin America


Washington, DC, October 9, 2020 – Fifty-three years ago, at 1:15 p.m. on October 9, 1967, Argentine-born revolutionary Ernesto “Che” Guevara was executed in the hills of Bolivia after being captured by a U.S.-trained Bolivian military battalion. A CIA operative, Felix Rodriguez, was present. U.S. officials had been tracking Guevara’s whereabouts ever since he disappeared from public view in Cuba in 1965. The highest White House officials were intensely interested in confirming his death, then using it to undermine leftist revolutionary movements in Latin America, as a selection of White House and CIA documents posted today by the National Security Archive describes.

President Lyndon Johnson himself received regular updates on Guevara’s whereabouts, the record shows, reflecting continuing, deep concerns over Cuban-inspired revolutionary activity in the region.  Today’s posting features National Security Council memos, CIA field reports, and other documents that follow several strands of the story, from Guevara’s ill-fated campaign in Bolivia, to La Paz’s request for U.S. help in creating a “hunter-killer” team to “ferret out guerrillas,” to reports of Che’s last conversation and execution (provided by an under-cover CIA officer at the scene), to the intensive efforts of the United States to mount a posthumous propaganda campaign based on Guevara’s diary and other captured records.  In a number of cases the documents have previously been released but are now available with fewer security redactions.

The materials are selections from the recent digitized documentary compilation, “CIA Covert Operations III: From Kennedy to Nixon, 1961-1974,” part of the Digital National Security Archive series published by ProQuest.  It is the third in an ongoing series edited by John Prados and focuses on CIA decision making and operations in the Caribbean, South America, Africa, Iraq, Indonesia, and elsewhere (…)

Para seguir leyendo: https://nsarchive.gwu.edu/briefing-book/cuba-intelligence/2020-10-09/che-guevara-cia-mountains-bolivia?eType=EmailBlastContent&eId=718a1bb9-5db5-42bf-91cf-6435edb0c1ee

Argentina’s House of Horrors

CIA Document Leads Human Rights Investigators to Previously Unidentified Clandestine Torture Center. Declassified U.S. Records Reveal Address of House Used by State Intelligence Service to Interrogate, Disappear Victims after March 1976 Military CoupU.S. Citizen was Detained, Abused at Black Site on Bacacay street in Buenos Aires

Washington D.C., July 21, 2020 – Forty-four years after the Argentine military began disappearing thousands of citizens following the March 24, 1976, coup, human rights investigators have located one of the first clandestine torture sites used by state intelligence operatives. The clandestine center was identified after the declassification of thousands of U.S. intelligence records last year, among them a secret CIA report on the disappearance of an Argentine diplomat which stated that he had been kidnapped by agents of the State Intelligence Secretariat (SIDE) and “taken to a house at Bacabay (sic) 3570 in the Federal Capital which SIDE rents and uses for official operations….”.

Para seguir leyendo: https://nsarchive.gwu.edu/briefing-book/southern-cone/2020-07-21/argentinas-house-of-horrors?eType=EmailBlastContent&eId=6e9ccb94-15d9-4a0a-8008-30359cf38485

 

Imminent Threat to Guatemala’s Historical Archive of the National Police

Published: May 30, 2019 – Update for Guatemala Police Archive under Threat posting

Morales Government Tightens Grip on Massive Human Rights Records Trove 

Washington, D.C., May 30, 2019– The National Security Archive joins our international and Guatemalan colleagues in calling for the protection of the Historical Archive of the National Police (AHPN) of Guatemala, which faces new threats to its independence and to public access to its holdings.

In a press conference on Monday, May 27, Interior Minister Enrique Degenhart signaled his intent to assert his agency’s control of the AHPN including the prospect of new restrictions on access to the archived police records and possible legal action against “foreign institutions” holding digitized copies of the documents. Degenhart made his statements as a crucial deadline approached to renew an agreement that for a decade has kept the archive under the authority of the Ministry of Culture and Sports. The agreement now appears to be in jeopardy.

The hollowing out of the AHPN is taking place at a time when justice and human rights initiatives are broadly under siege in Guatemala and follows months of uncertainty for the celebrated human rights archive, which has been institutionally adrift since its long-time director, Gustavo Meoño Brenner, was abruptly dismissed in August 2018.

Since its discovery in 2005, the AHPN has played a central role in Guatemala’s attempts to reckon with its bloody past. Its records of more than a century of the history of the former National Police have been relied upon by families of the disappeared, scholars, and prosecutors.  The institution has become a model across Latin America and around the world for the rescue and preservation of vital historical records (…)

Para seguir leyendo: https://nsarchive.gwu.edu/news/guatemala/2019-05-30/imminent-threat-guatemalas-historical-archive-national-police-ahpn

Itinerarios de la historia del tiempo presente … con una mirada hacia América Latina




De la historia del tiempo presente, campo de investigación asentado ahora en una corriente historiográfica reconocida, hay que recordar en primer término que se derivó no sólo de una reflexión historiográfica y luego epistemológica sino también de una verdadera batalla que se libró con especial énfasis en los años 1980, a raíz de la creación del Instituto de historia del tiempo presente (IHTP) y de una coyuntura historiográfica. Alcanzó legitimidad en el campo de la historia y de las Ciencias humanas y sociales y se desarrolló incluso fuera de sus fronteras iniciales, relacionada con otra aprensión semántica de lo contemporáneo y de la “contemporaneidad” (…)

Mayores coincidencias y referencias comunes podríamos encontrar sin embargo aunque no con absoluta certeza entre la historia del presente, la historia viva, la historia reciente o incluso con la historia actual, como se les quiera llamar en el mundo hispánico. Ahora bien, tampoco habría que pasar por alto una característica que, junto a la imprescindible distancia crítica respecto al objeto de estudio, se ha venido afianzando a lo largo de las últimas décadas, tanto en Francia desde los inicios del género como en el ámbito hispánico, especialmente en América Latina. El interés por la historia del tiempo presente se ubica en efecto dentro de una larga trayectoria de compromiso a favor de la democracia (ejemplificada en el “Nunca más” de los países del Cono Sur), de salida de dictaduras, de conflictos si no de guerra, como fue el caso en su país de origen, Francia, de remembranza de un “pasado que no pasa”/haunting past, de un pasado traumático y de la “última catástrofe” incluso (ambas expresiones acuñadas por Henry Rousso) si centramos la perspectiva en un pasado de lo más reciente, violento y traumático como lo ha sido el naciente siglo XXI. (…)

Tal es el itinerario que quisiéramos abordar en esta síntesis, desde el momento fundacional hasta la coyuntura historiográfica de hoy. Ésta se caracteriza en efecto por una ampliación inédita del campo de investigación, tanto en lo que se refiere a su objeto de estudio, por la diversificación del mismo respecto a las secuencias históricas y a los espacios estudiados, como por la difusión de sus resultados en el marco de las “sociedades de memoria” (de acuerdo con Ricardo García Carcel) de hoy. Además, esta difusión corre parejas con un insoslayable fenómeno sobradamente amplificado por las ya no tan “nuevas tecnologías de la información” y sus redes sociales:  la “globalización de la memoria”, de esta memoria convertida tan frecuentemente en reto político y crisol de emociones instrumentalizadas si no ideologizadas, cuando “nuestra tarea debe ser que la justa memoria (expresión forjada por Paul Ricœur) sea tanto un factor de justicia como un factor que nos libere para que no quedemos presos del pasado” (…)

Para seguir leyendo:  “Itinerarios de la historia del tiempo presente. Del IHTP de la post-guerra a la “globalización de la memoria””, Historiografía, Universidad de Zaragoza, n°16 (julio-diciembre), 2018 https://papiro.unizar.es/ojs/index.php/historiografias/article/view/3307

Obama’s Back Channel to Cuba: Events Leading to Historic Breakthrough Revealed in Updated Book (in Spanish)


Washington, DC, December 18, 2015 – On the first anniversary of the historic breakthrough in U.S.-Cuban relations, the National Security Archive announced that the book,
Back Channel to Cuba: The Hidden History of Negotiations Between Washington and Havana, has been released in Spanish under the title, Diplomacia Encubierta con Cuba: Historia de las Negociaciones Secretas Entre Washington y La Habana. The book was published last week in Mexico by Fondo de Cultura y Economica.

The Spanish edition follows the November publication by the University of North Carolina press of the updated, paperback edition of the book, written by Archive Cuba Documentation Project Director Peter Kornbluh and American University Professor William M. LeoGrande. The revised edition contains a comprehensive, new, 15,000 word epilogue revealing how the Obama administration and the government of Raul Castro secretly negotiated a historic detente between the two nations, and bringing the history of back channel diplomacy through to the raising of the U.S. flag over the Embassy in Havana.

According to Kornbluh, “The story of back channel diplomacy between Washington and Havana, which dates all the way back to the Kennedy era, is now complete.”

As a timely and immediately relevant history, Back Channel to Cuba has received significant acclaim. Last year, the editors at Foreign Affairs called it an “exhaustive and masterful diplomatic history” and picked it as a “best book of the year.” On November 19, 2015, in a ceremony in the Benjamin Franklin room of the Department of State, the American Academy of Diplomacy gave the book the Douglas Dillon award for best diplomatic history.

Para seguir: http://nsarchive.gwu.edu/news/20151218-Back-Channel-to-Cuba-Published-in-Spanish

Le prisme des émotions dans l’histoire du temps présent – Amérique latine Espagne

« L’utilité de toutes les passions ne consiste qu’en ce qu’elles fortifient et font durer en l’âme des pensées, lesquelles il est bon qu’elle conserve, et qui pourraient, sans cela, en être effacées »[1]. Mémoire et émotions s’égrainent d’une seule main, ce qui favorise certes le risque d’une histoire « compassionnelle », le péché d’empathie avec le témoin, mais ce qui fait aussi que pour l’historien du temps présent les émotions sont la « réalité saisissable »[2] d’une histoire incarnée. En effet, l’expression des affects à travers les manifestations du corps n’accompagnent pas seulement l’évocation du passé dont elles conservent la trace. Elles le convoquent en une intériorisation du souvenir qui confère une proximité à l’événement inscrit dans le passé. Elles colorent le prisme à travers lequel les agents du souvenir, chercheurs et porteurs de mémoire mêlés, construisent dans le présent leur relation au passé dans un espace public. Car à la croisée des enjeux de mémoire convergent « un passé qui ne passe pas »[3] et un présent qui l’interroge à l’aune de ses propres inquiétudes[4]. Lorsque dans les années 2000 la société espagnole se divise sur la question des fosses de la guerre civile et de l’inertie d’une symbolique franquiste dans la cité[5] ; lorsque les lieux et les moments commémoratifs de la guerre du Sentier Lumineux engendrent de nouvelles violences au Pérou ; lorsque les organisations et les élites amérindiennes s’organisent pour l’écriture d’une contre-histoire en Bolivie, au Chili, en Équateur ou que le régime chaviste au Venezuela transforme la figure de Simon Bolívar et le culte historique consensuel en un dogme politique, et que la Commission Vérité et Justice au Paraguay engage une véritable ingénieurie de l’histoire pour changer radicalement le rapport que la société entretient avec son passé autoritaire, les souvenirs mettent les corps en mouvement en raison certes des représentations du passé qui les habitent, mais en raison aussi de leur circulation dans le présent au regard que les uns et les autres se font des possibles à venir.

(…)

Cette immédiation entre le passé et le présent, dont les émotions constituent le prisme sensible, est l’objet de notre recherche. Le monde hispanique (Amérique latine et Espagne), au-delà des circulations transnationales qui intègrent les « passés à vif » à l’échelle de cette aire culturelle[10], est un laboratoire privilégié pour observer à travers les jeux d’acteurs la concurrence entre régimes d’historicité. La prégnance des régimes héroïques enracinés dans le XIXe siècle des fondateurs de la patrie et de la construction de l’État-national ainsi que dans les résistances indigènes à la conquête et sa martyrologie chrétienne reste forte, tandis qu’elle se heurte à la montée en puissance du temps des victimes et des reconfigurations présentistes mondialisés[11].

(…)

Le rapport que les sociétés entretiennent avec leur passé n’est pas seulement le fruit de l’invention d’une tradition, de pratiques mnémoniques et d’une discipline de recherche, il participe également de l’intuition. Elle prend forme en Amérique latine dans les tensions durables entre des « citadelles historiographiques » et les partisans d’une « contre-histoire », sans cesse revendiquée et renouvelée, de révisionnismes récurrents qui vont bien au-delà des simples conflits de mémoire. Pour beaucoup il s’agit de défendre une identité, dont l’estime de soi est enchâssée dans une représentation du passé qui remonte fréquemment à l’Indépendance (1810-1811), dont le Bicentenaire a été très opportunément célébré et récupéré par les gouvernements en place.

(…)

[1]. Descartes R., Les Passions de l’Âme, dans Œuvres et lettres (texte présenté par André Bridoux), Paris, Gallimard/Bibliothèque de la Pléiade, 1970, p. 730 [1649].

[2]. Boquet D. et P. Nagy, « Une histoire des émotions incarnées », Médiévales, n° 61, 2011, p. 5-24.

[3]. Selon la formule de Conan É. et H. Rousso, Vichy, un passé qui ne passé pas, Paris, Gallimard, 1996.

[4]. Capdevila L. et F. Langue (dir.), Entre mémoire collective et histoire officielle. L’histoire du temps présent en Amérique Latine, Rennes, Presses universitaires de Rennes, 2009.

[5]. Segura A., A. Mayayo, Q. Solé (éd.), Fosses comunes i simbologia franquista: ponències de les jornades, Barcelona, 9 i 10 d’octubre 2008, Catarroja, Editorial Afers, 2009.

[6]. Descartes R., Les Passions de l’Âme, op.cit, p. 715.

[7]. Camps V., El gobierno de las emociones, Barcelona, Herder Editorial, 2011.

[8]. Farge A., Effusion et tourment. Le récit des corps. Histoire du peuple au XVIIIe siècle, Paris, Odile Jacob, 2007, p. 15.

[9]. Berthier N., Sanchez-Biosca V., Retóricas del miedo. Imágenes de la Guerra Civil española, Madrid, Casa de Velázquez, 2012.

[10]. Pérotin-Dumon A. (dir.), Historizar el pasado vivo en América latina, http://www.historizarelpasadovivo.cl/es_home.html

[11]. Hartog F., Régimes d’historicité. Présentisme et expériences du temps, Paris, Seuil, 2003 ; Fassin D. et R. Rechtman, L’empire du traumatisme. Enquête sur la condition de victime, Paris, Flammarion, 2007 ; Ferro M., Le ressentiment dans l’histoire. Comprendre notre temps, Paris, Odile Jacob, 2007.

[12]. Capdevila L. et F. Langue (dir.), Entre mémoire collective et histoire officielle. op.cit.

INTRODUCTION  à Luc Capdevila, Frédérique Langue (coords.), Le passé des émotions. D’une histoire à vif Amérique Latine et Espagne, Rennes, PUR, 2014.

Pour accéder au texte complet, à la table des matières, aux présentations ouvrage et auteurs

Indicted for Genocide: Guatemala’s Efraín Ríos Montt

The photographs of Guatemala’s disappeared spell “Justice” and “Genocide” on a fence near the Public Ministry’s headquarters in Guatemala City. (Credit: H.I.J.O.S.)
Indicted for Genocide: Guatemala’s Efraín Ríos Montt
U.S. and Guatemalan Documents Trace Dictator’s Rise to Power
National Security Archive Electronic Briefing Book No. 419

Posted – March 19, 2013
Edited by Kate Doyle

Washington, D.C., March 19, 2013 – The groundbreaking genocide trial of Efraín Ríos Montt, retired army general and former dictator of Guatemala, opens today with the presentation of the prosecution’s first witnesses. The trial will take place despite repeated efforts by defense lawyers to halt the proceedings with legal appeals and a bid for amnesty. On March 12, the Constitutional Court rejected the amnesty request once and for all, clearing the way for the trial to begin.

Along with his former intelligence chief, José Mauricio Rodríguez Sánchez, Ríos Montt stands accused of masterminding a violent counterinsurgency campaign during his 1982-83 regime that sought to destroy opposing guerrilla forces and anyone who supported them. The indictment accuses the two men of responsibility for fifteen documented massacres in the Ixil region of the country’s Quiché department, resulting in the deaths of 1,771 unarmed men, women and children (…)
http://www.gwu.edu/~nsarchiv/NSAEBB/NSAEBB419/

For ongoing trial summaries, commentary and analysis, see a new Website launched by the Open Society Justice Initiative in partnership with the National Security Archive, the International Center for Transitional Justice, CEJIL and the Guatemalan on-line news site Plaza Pública: http://www.riosmontt-trial.org/

Operation Condor on Trial: legal Proceedings in Latin American Rendition and Assassination Program open in Buenos Aires

OPERATION CONDOR ON TRIAL:
LEGAL PROCEEDINGS ON LATIN AMERICAN RENDITION AND ASSASSINATION PROGRAM OPEN IN BUENOS AIRES

National Security Archive Posts CIA, DIA and State Department Intelligence Reports Provided to Argentine Prosecutors
National Security Archive Electronic Briefing Book No. 416
Posted – March 8, 2013
Edited by Carlos Osorio

Washington, D.C., March 8, 2013 – Former military officers from Argentina and Uruguay went on trial this week in Buenos Aires for their human rights abuses in Operation Condor, a cross-border conspiracy of dictatorships in the 1970s and 1980s to “eradicate ‘subversion,’ a word which increasingly translates into non-violent dissent from the left and center left,” according to declassified documents posted today by the National Security Archive ( www.nsarchive.org).

Today’s posting of documents and evidence provided by the Archive to Argentine prosecutors includes the first briefing report, from August 1976, to then-Secretary of State Henry Kissinger on the secret police collaboration in the Southern Cone to “find and kill” opponents of their military regimes.

“The documents are very useful in establishing a comprehensive analytical framework of what Operation Condor was,” said Pablo Enrique Ouvina, the lead prosecutor in the case.

Founded by the Pinochet regime in November 1975, Operation Condor was the codename for a formal Southern Cone collaboration that included transnational secret intelligence activities, kidnapping, torture, disappearance and assassination, according to the National Security Archive’s documentary evidence from U.S., Paraguayan, Argentine, and Chilean files.

Prominent victims of Condor include two former Uruguayan legislators and a former Bolivian president, Juan Torres, murdered in Buenos Aires, as well as former Chilean ambassador Orlando Letelier and his 26-year old American colleague, Ronni Moffitt, assassinated by a car bomb in downtown Washington D.C.

The historic trial charges 25 high-ranking military officials, including former Argentine presidents Jorge Videla and Reynaldo Bignone, with conspiracy to “kidnap, disappear, torture and kill” 171 opponents of the military dictatorships that dominated the Southern Cone in the 1970s and 1980s. Among the victims are approximately 80 Uruguayans, 50 Argentines, 20 Chileans and a dozen from Paraguay, Bolivia, Peru and Ecuador who were targeted by Condor operatives. The kidnapping and disappearance of two Cuban Consulate officials in Buenos Aires on August 9, 1976, is also part of the prosecution.

“Condor was a latter day rendition, torture and assassination program,” noted Carlos Osorio, who directs the Archive’s Southern Cone Documentation project. “Holding these officials accountable for the multinational crimes of Condor,” he said, “cannot help but set a precedent for more recent abuses of a similar nature.”

Besides Generals Videla and Bignone, those indicted included 22 Argentine military intelligence officers and agents. In preparation for the trial, prosecutors sought the extradition of several foreign high ranking officers from Chile and Paraguay among other Condor countries. The only foreigner sitting at the courtroom, however, is Uruguayan Army Major Manuel Cordero, charged with participating in death squads and torture at the infamous Orletti Motors secret detention center in Buenos Aires. He was extradited by Brazil where he was living.

Of the 171 Condor victims cited in the indictments, approximately forty-two survived and a number of them are expected to testify in court. One hundred twenty others were killed and/or disappeared.

DOCUMENTS

Chile – Oscars: Declassified Documents Tell History Behind Best Foreign Film Nomination, “No”

“No” Film
OSCARS: DECLASSIFIED DOCUMENTS TELL HISTORY BEHIND BEST FOREIGN FILM NOMINATION, “NO”
ONCE SECRET CIA, DEFENSE AND STATE DEPARTMENT RECORDS FILL IN GAPS IN CHILEAN FILM DEPICTING MEDIA CAMPAIGN TO OUST GENERAL AUGUSTO PINOCHET

National Security Archive Electronic Briefing Book No. 413
Posted – February 22, 2013 Edited by Peter Kornluh

http://www.nsarchive.org

Washington, D.C., February 22, 2013 — Chilean ruler General Augusto Pinochet intended to use violence to annul the October 1988 plebiscite that ended his lengthy military dictatorship, according to declassified documents posted today by the National Security Archive in order to fill in the historical gaps of the Oscar-nominated film, “NO.”

With the Oscars approaching on February 24, the Archive posting includes formerly top secret records that provide new details about the history of the “Campaign of the NO” in Chile–the dynamic political movement that eventually led to Pinochet’s loss of the presidency. The documents include highly classified warnings from the U.S. military attache that Pinochet intended to use violence to sustain himself in power if the NO won the October 5, 1988, plebiscite; a CIA report on Pinochet’s “apoplectic” reaction to the vote; as well as private records relating to the voter registration drive that was critical to the electoral victory to remove Chile’s 15-year old military regime.

Nominated for best foreign film, “NO” has received widespread acclaim from movie reviewers. Writing in the New Yorker, critic Anthony Lane noted that “the title is a downer but the movie lifts you up;” he called “NO” “the best film ever made about Chilean plebiscites.” But like “Zero Dark Thirty,” “Argo,” and “Lincoln,” which also examine historical events, “NO” has been criticized for misrepresenting and omitting key elements of the history it depicts.

As the movie indicates, Pinochet’s ouster at the polls was an inspirational event, a rare victory of good over evil, brought about by Chileans for Chileans. As a historic event, it demands to be understood. The complexity of the story is not depicted on screen. But the fact that the movie is being recognized at the Oscars, and now being seen around the world, cannot help but draw attention to the fuller story of the Campaign of the NO, which is included in this dramatic documentation now available on the National Security Archive’s website.

THE DOCUMENTS

Document 1: State Department, “Preparations Accelerating for Plebiscite” August 3, 1988

Document 2: State Department, Confidential, “The Chilean Plebiscite: Sitrep 2,” August 12, 1988 (original missing p. 5)

Document 3: Greer, Margolis, Mitchell & Associates, “Campana para la Inscripcion en Los Registros Electorales” (Campaign for Electoral Registration) ca 1987

Document 4: Defense Intelligence Agency, Top Secret Zarf Umbra, Chile: Contingency Plans,” October 4, 1988

Document 5: State Department, “The Chilean Plebiscite, Sitrep 4,” October 6, 1988

Document 6: CIA, [Informant Report on Pinochet’s auto coup plan for the plebiscite] November 18, 1988

Document 7: Defense Intelligence Agency, Secret ExDis, “Chile: Plebiscite Goes Forward as Pinochet Apparently Loses,” October 6, 1988

Document 8: Defense Intelligence Agency: Secret, “Chilean Junta Meeting, the Night of the Plebiscite,” January 1, 1989

Document 9: State Department, Confidential, “The Chilean Plebiscite, Sitrep Eight,” October 7, 1988

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